{"id":7137,"date":"2026-05-30T10:48:29","date_gmt":"2026-05-30T07:48:29","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/septemartes.com\/issue-4\/"},"modified":"2026-05-31T17:27:44","modified_gmt":"2026-05-31T14:27:44","slug":"issue-4","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/septemartes.com\/en\/issue-4\/","title":{"rendered":"Issue 4"},"content":{"rendered":"\t\t
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\nContents <\/a><\/h2>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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Kral Tepesi (K\u0131br\u0131s) Miken ve Yerel \u00c7anak \u00c7\u00f6mle\u011fin Yeniden \u00dcretim Denemeleri<\/strong><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

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\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tReproduction Experiments of Mycenaean and Local Pottery from Kral Tepesi (Cyprus)<\/i><\/em>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tYe\u015fim BATMAZ \u2013 Atilla BATMAZ<\/strong>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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Septem Artes 4 (2026) 1-14 | DOI: 10.5281\/zenodo.20393821<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

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The island of Cyprus functioned as a pivotal maritime hub during the Late Bronze Age (LBA), facilitating intensive commercial and cultural exchanges between the Aegean, Anatolia, the Levant,and Egypt. Central to this period was the strategic role of the Mycenaeans, who utilised the island\nas both a copper source and a trade base. In this context, the settlement of Kral Tepesi (Vasili),located on a strategic plateau in the Karpaz Peninsula, serves as a keystone for understanding the\nregional LBA ceramic traditions and the extent of Mycenaean influence in Northern Cyprus.The\nceramic production of the Mycenaean period represents a zenith of pyrotechnological sophistication\nand standardisation. The manufacturing process involved meticulous material selection, primarily\nutilising calcium-rich clays characterised by favourable thermal expansion coefficients and porosity.\nBy the LBA, the use of the fast potter\u2019s wheel had become standardised, enabling high levels of\nmorphological symmetry and facilitating mass production. Firing typically occurred in circular or oval\nupdraft kilns designed for high thermal efficiency and atmospheric control, traditionally reaching\ntemperatures between 800\u00b0C and 1050\u00b0C.Archaeological investigations at Kral Tepesi have\nidentified a dichotomy in the ceramic repertoire: high-quality imported Mycenaean wares and locally\nmanufactured imitations. Imported vessels are characterised by highly refined, inclusion-free\npastes, burnished surfaces, and decoration applied over cream or buff slips. In contrast, local\nimitations utilise coarser pastes with significant grit inclusions and exhibit matte decoration without\nsurface burnishing. While local potters emulated Mycenaean forms and thin-walled structures, they\nlacked the technological capacity to replicate the vibrant finishes of the Aegean imports, resulting in\nvessels with moderate firing and less durable surfaces. To analyse the cha\u00eene op\u00e9ratoire\n(production chain) of these assemblages, reproduction experiments were conducted on ten specific\nforms from Kral Tepesi, including stirrup jars, alabastrons, flasks, and various jugs. The\nmethodology employed three types of industrial clay\u2014white, red (Menemen), and grey\u2014to simulate\ndifferent paste compositions. While the original LBA vessels were fired in oak-fueled updraft kilns,\nthese experiments utilised electric kilns, which introduced certain visual deviations in the final\nproducts due to different atmospheric conditions. One of the most technically demanding forms\nreproduced was the stirrup jar. This vessel was wheel-thrown in a single stage with a closed mouth,\nnecessitating the later addition of a false neck and double handles. The reproduction involved a\nbisque firing at 1000\u00b0C followed by a final firing at 1045\u00b0C after the application of reddish-brown\ndecoration. Similarly, the alabastron and flask forms were shaped to test functional elements such\nas horizontal handles, which were likely designed for suspension via cords. Other forms, such as\nthe filtered jug with base perforations and the button-based bottle (White Shaved Ware), highlighted\nspecialised shaping techniques like \u201cshaving\u201d or base manipulation during the leather-hard stage.\nThe experimental study confirms that the production of Mycenaean ceramics was a \u201cfunctional\nrevolution\u201d that enhanced the mechanical durability and impermeability of vessels through\nadvanced material chemistry and thermal management. The reproduction process demonstrated\nthat complex forms, particularly the stirrup jar, required a high degree of specialised craftsmanship\nand an empirical understanding of thermal dynamics. Ultimately, these experiments provide critical\ninsights into the technological gaps between imported and local production sectors at Kral Tepesi.<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
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\u0130ndirmek i\u00e7in t\u0131klay\u0131n\u0131z.<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

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\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tHellenistik D\u00f6nemde Bireysel Bo\u015fluk ve Bedensel \u00c7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f: Barberini Faun \u00d6rne\u011fi<\/strong>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tIndividual Emptiness and Bodily Collapse in the Hellenistic Period: The Case of the Barberini Faun\n<\/i><\/em>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tMeral \u00c7EL\u0130K<\/strong>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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Septem Artes 4 (2026) 15-30 | DOI: 10.5281\/zenodo.20401537<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

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Hellenistic sculpture marks a decisive shift in the visual articulation of the human body, expanding its representational scope beyond idealized form and moral exemplarity toward emotional intensity, psychological complexity, and corporeal vulnerability. Unlike the Classical canon, which privileged\nbalance, restraint, and ethical clarity, Hellenistic sculptors increasingly engaged with states of\nexcess, fatigue, instability, and inner conflict. Within this broader artistic transformation, the\nBarberini Faun occupies a distinctive position, offering a striking visualization of bodily exhaustion\nand psychological withdrawal rather than heroic action or triumphant resolution. This article\nexamines the Barberini Faun as a key example of how Hellenistic sculpture articulates individual\nexperience through the language of bodily collapse and emotional ambiguity. Although the Barberini\nFaun is among the most recognizable sculptures in modern museum collections, scholarly\ndiscussion has largely framed the work within limited interpretative categories, most notably\neroticism, Dionysian cult practice, or the iconography of sleep. While these approaches are not\nwithout merit, they tend to overlook the sculpture\u2019s psychological depth and its capacity to express\na broader condition of existential fatigue. This study proposes a reading that situates the sculpture\nwithin the cultural and emotional landscape of the Hellenistic world, emphasizing the relationship\nbetween bodily representation and individual subjectivity. The analysis begins with a detailed formal\nexamination of the sculpture. The figure\u2019s reclined posture, open and exposed body, and\npronounced muscular definition convey a tension between strength and surrender. The limbs are\nrelaxed, yet the body remains alert in its vulnerability; the head tilts backward, the mouth slightly\nopen, and the facial expression resists clear emotional classification. Rather than suggesting\npeaceful rest, these features evoke a state of physical depletion and psychological disengagement.\nThe body appears not simply asleep but withdrawn\u2014temporarily absent from conscious interaction\nwith the surrounding world. In this context, sleep functions as a critical conceptual category.\nContrary to traditional representations of sleep as a state of restoration or divine protection, the\nBarberini Faun presents sleep as an act of escape and a symptom of exhaustion. The sculpture\ndoes not depict a transitional moment leading toward awakening or transformation; instead, it\nsuspends the figure in an indeterminate state, devoid of narrative resolution. This reading\nchallenges conventional mythological interpretations and invites a psychological understanding of\nthe work, in which bodily passivity becomes a visual metaphor for emotional depletion. Dionysian\nimagery remains central to the interpretation, yet it is approached here not primarily as a cultic\nreference but as a psychological framework. Dionysian intoxication, loss of self-control, and\ndissolution of boundaries between body and mind are materialized through the faun\u2019s physical\ncondition. The satyr figure, traditionally associated with vitality, desire, and excess, is reimagined as\na body drained by its own intensity. This inversion underscores a key tension within Hellenistic art:\nthe exploration of excess not as liberation alone, but as a potential source of collapse and\nvulnerability. To further contextualize the Barberini Faun, the article situates it within a comparative\nframework that includes other Hellenistic sculptural types. The pathos-laden figures of the\nPergamene School, such as the Dying Gaul, articulate bodily suffering within a narrative of heroism\nand moral elevation. Although these figures display pain and defeat, their suffering retains a sense\nof dignity and purpose. By contrast, the Barberini Faun lacks any narrative justification for its\ncondition. Its exhaustion is not the result of battle or sacrifice, but appears internal and unresolved,\nmarking a significant departure from heroic paradigms. Similarly, comparisons with reclining or\nsleeping figures such as the Sleeping Ariadne reveal important distinctions. Ariadne\u2019s sleep, despite\nits vulnerability, is embedded within a mythological trajectory that promises transformation and\nrenewal. The Barberini Faun, however, offers no such promise. The absence of narrative\nprogression reinforces the sculpture\u2019s inward focus and contributes to its pessimistic tone. In this\nsense, the work aligns more closely with representations of marginal or non-ideal bodies in\nHellenistic sculpture, such as figures depicting old age, poverty, or social exclusion. Yet even within\nthis group, the Barberini Faun remains exceptional, as it presents a youthful and physically powerful\nbody subjected to exhaustion rather than decline through age or deprivation. From a socio-cultural\n\nperspective, the sculpture reflects broader shifts within the Hellenistic world. The expansion of\npolitical boundaries, the fragmentation of traditional civic identities, and the increasing visibility of\nindividual experience contributed to new forms of artistic expression. In this environment, the body\nbecame a site for negotiating uncertainty, instability, and emotional strain. The exposed and\ndefenseless posture of the Barberini Faun resonates with these conditions, suggesting a loss of\nprotective frameworks that once structured individual identity. The sculpture thus functions not only\nas an aesthetic object but also as a visual document of Hellenistic subjectivity. Ultimately, this study\nargues that the Barberini Faun exemplifies a mode of representation in which bodily exhaustion and\npsychological vulnerability serve as central expressive tools. By rejecting heroic ideals and narrative\nclosure, the sculpture articulates a deeply human condition marked by fatigue, withdrawal, and\nemotional ambiguity. In doing so, it expands our understanding of Hellenistic sculpture as a medium\ncapable of engaging with complex inner states and existential concerns. The Barberini Faun should\ntherefore be recognized not merely as an erotic or Dionysian image, but as a profound exploration\nof the limits of the body and the fragility of the individual within the Hellenistic world.<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
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\u0130ndirmek i\u00e7in t\u0131klay\u0131n\u0131z<\/a>.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

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\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tAntik\u00e7a\u011fda Kad\u0131n Bedeninin Denetimi: Pi\u015fmi\u015f Toprak Fig\u00fcrinler \u00dczerinden Bir Toplumsal Okuma\n<\/strong>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tRegulation of the Female Body in Antiquity: A Social Interpretation through Terracotta Figurines<\/i><\/em>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tEl\u00e7in DO\u011eAN-G\u00dcRB\u00dcZER<\/strong>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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Septem Artes 4 (2026) 31-58 | DOI: 10.5281\/zenodo.20401688<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

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Terracotta figurines represent one of the most widespread and visually expressive categories of small-scale material culture in the ancient Mediterranean world. Produced in large numbers and\ndistributed across a variety of contexts\u2014including sanctuaries, domestic spaces, and funerary\nenvironments\u2014these objects have traditionally been studied for their stylistic features, typological\ndevelopment, and religious significance. However, beyond their aesthetic qualities and cultic\nfunctions, terracotta figurines also provide valuable insight into the ways ancient societies\nconceptualised the human body and constructed gendered identities. Among the most frequently\nrepresented subjects within coroplastic production is the female body. This study investigates how\nthe female body is represented in terracotta figurines of Antiquity and explores how these\nrepresentations contributed to the formation, reproduction, and regulation of gender roles. Rather\nthan approaching figurines solely as ritual offerings or decorative artefacts, the present research\nconsiders them as material reflections of social attitudes toward femininity and the female body.\nFigurines can be interpreted as visual media through which cultural norms, expectations, and\nvalues were communicated. In this sense, they function not only as representations but also as\ninstruments through which particular ideas about womanhood were constructed and circulated. The\nstudy, therefore, aims to analyse how these small-scale representations reflect broader social\ndiscourses surrounding fertility, motherhood, morality, modesty, and bodily control. The\nmethodological framework of the study combines iconographic analysis with the evaluation of\narchaeological find contexts and theoretical perspectives derived from gender studies and feminist\narchaeology. By integrating these approaches, the research examines how different forms of bodily\nrepresentation operate both visually and socially. Figurines are analysed according to their posture,\ngestures, clothing, and degree of bodily exposure, while their archaeological contexts\u2014such as\nsanctuaries, graves, and domestic environments\u2014are also taken into consideration. Within this\nframework, several recurring modes of representing the female body can be identified. One of the\ncentral analytical perspectives concerns the distinction between open and closed bodies. Certain\nfigurines depict exposed or partially nude female bodies, often emphasising breasts, hips, and other\nfeatures associated with fertility and sexuality. These representations highlight the reproductive\ncapacity of the female body and its connection with themes of fertility and vitality. In contrast, other\nfigurines portray fully clothed or veiled women whose bodies are concealed beneath garments such\n\nas the chiton and himation. These representations may reflect ideals of modesty, restraint, and\nmoral propriety that were culturally associated with female virtue. Another important category\nincludes seated female figures characterised by inward-looking or passive postures. These figures\noften convey a sense of composure, self-control, and social discipline. Their bodily stillness and\ncontrolled gestures may symbolise socially prescribed forms of feminine behaviour and reflect\nexpectations placed upon women within domestic and ritual settings. In contrast, figurines\nrepresenting dancing or moving female bodies present a more dynamic mode of representation.\nThrough rhythmic gestures and bodily movement, these figures emphasise the performative\ndimension of the body, often associated with ritual celebration, cultic performance, or festive\nenvironments. The analysis of these different body types demonstrates that terracotta figurines\nencode complex symbolic meanings related to fertility, motherhood, morality, and social regulation.\nParticularly significant is the interpretive framework based on the axis of bodily openness and\nconcealment. Reading the figurines along this axis allows us to understand how the female body\nwas simultaneously celebrated as a source of life and reproduction while also being subjected to\nmechanisms of visual and symbolic control. In this respect, figurines participate in what may be\ndescribed as the body politics of the ancient world. The archaeological contexts in which these\nfigurines were discovered further illuminate their social significance. Figurines deposited in\nsanctuaries are often associated with fertility cults, rites of passage, and protective rituals. Those\nfound in funerary contexts may reflect ideas about identity, memory, and the social roles attributed\nto women both in life and in death. In domestic contexts, figurines may have functioned as symbolic\nobjects embedded within everyday practices and belief systems. By combining iconographic\nanalysis, contextual evaluation, and gender-based theoretical approaches, this study demonstrates\nthat terracotta figurines offer important insights into how the female body was conceptualised,\nrepresented, and regulated in Antiquity. These small-scale objects reveal how visual\nrepresentations participated in shaping gender norms and social expectations. Ultimately, the study\nhighlights the potential of coroplastic material to contribute to discussions within feminist\narchaeology and to deepen our understanding of the relationship between material culture, gender\nideology, and the politics of the body in the ancient world.<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
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\u0130ndirmek i\u00e7in t\u0131klay\u0131n\u0131z<\/a>.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

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\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tF\u0131rat Havzas\u0131\u2019nda (Suriye-T\u00fcrkiye) Ephesos Tipi Ge\u00e7 Antik\u00e7a\u011f Unguentariumlar\u0131n\u0131n Varl\u0131\u011f\u0131: Di\u011fer\nBulgular ile \u0130li\u015fkisi ve Yeniden Yorumlanmas\u0131<\/b>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tEphesos-Type Late Antique Unguentaria in the Euphrates Basin (Syria\u2013T\u00fcrkiye): \nContextual Relationships and Reinterpretation<\/i><\/em>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tMurat TOSUN<\/strong>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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Septem Artes 4 (2026) 59-74 | DOI: 10.5281\/zenodo.20401710<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

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This study aims to reassess prevailing assumptions regarding the geographical distribution of Ephesos-type unguentaria, a ceramic group widely attested across the Mediterranean during Late Antiquity. Although these vessels have traditionally been considered largely confined to the Mediterranean basin, the limited yet significant evidence from the Euphrates Basin necessitates a reconsideration of this perspective. The study focuses on material recovered from three key sites:\nHalabiyye in Syria, Zeugma, D\u00fcl\u00fck Baba Tepesi and Lidar H\u00f6y\u00fck in southeastern T\u00fcrkiye. One of the most striking characteristics of the unguentaria from the Euphrates Basin is their extremely limited number and their occurrence primarily as isolated finds. Despite this scarcity, these\nexamples display strong morphological and technological similarities to Ephesos-type unguentaria\nknown from Eastern Mediterranean coastal settlements. They are generally characterised by a long, cylindrical neck, a slightly swollen body, and a pointed base, along with red to reddish-brown fabrics and a fine slip. However, unlike many Mediterranean examples, the Euphrates Basin\nspecimens are notably simpler and lack decorative features such as relief rings, stamp impressions,\nor wash-slip treatments. A significant aspect of these finds is their association with LR3 amphorae.\nThis relationship is particularly evident at Zeugma and Halabiyye, whereas at D\u00fcl\u00fck Baba Tepesi\n\nand Lidar H\u00f6y\u00fck it remains less clearly established. Nevertheless, similarities in fabric composition,\nincluding the frequent presence of mica, as well as parallels in production techniques, suggest that\nthese vessels may have originated from the same production centre and circulated within the same\ndistribution network. The strong presence of Phokaian Red Slip Ware (LRC) at all four sites further\nsupports the interpretation that these settlements were integrated into a broader Eastern\nMediterranean trade system. These observations challenge the prevailing view that Ephesos-type\nunguentaria reached inland regions such as the Euphrates Basin solely through pilgrimage or\nliturgical practices. While Ephesos was an important pilgrimage centre in Late Antiquity and is\nknown for the production of ampullae, the archaeological evidence from the Euphrates Basin does\nnot support a purely religious interpretation. Notably, the absence of monogrammed or\niconographically decorated examples weakens the argument for an explicitly liturgical function.\nInstead, it is more plausible that these vessels were transported primarily through commercial\nexchange networks and may have acquired secondary religious meanings in specific contexts.\nFrom a terminological standpoint, classifying these vessels remains problematic. Due to their\nmorphological similarities to LR3 amphorae, some scholars have preferred the term \u201camphoriskos\u201d.\nHowever, when evaluated in terms of contents, function, and archaeological context, it becomes\nclear that the distinction between \u201cunguentarium\u201d and \u201camphoriskos\u201d is not absolute. Rather than\nrepresenting mutually exclusive categories, these vessels should be understood as a hybrid group\ncapable of fulfilling multiple functions in different contexts. In terms of distribution, the available\nevidence indicates that Ephesos-type unguentaria did not reach the Euphrates Basin through a\nsingle route. Instead, a multidirectional distribution network can be reconstructed. One possible\nroute extends from the port of Beirut through the Beqaa Valley to Apamea, which likely functioned\nas a key inland redistribution centre. Another route may have originated at the ports west of\nAntioch, extending northeastward toward Zeugma, which in turn served as a major hub connecting\noverland and riverine transport networks along the Euphrates. In conclusion, the Ephesos-type\nunguentaria recovered from the Euphrates Basin reflect a complex pattern of production,\ndistribution, and use that cannot be explained solely within either a religious or a commercial\nframework. These vessels should instead be interpreted as versatile ceramic forms circulating\nwithin Eastern Mediterranean trade networks, with the potential to acquire different meanings and\nfunctions in specific contexts. Accordingly, a more flexible, context-based approach is required,\nboth in terminology and in functional interpretation.<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
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\u0130ndirmek i\u00e7in t\u0131klay\u0131n\u0131z<\/a>.<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tTekirda\u011f, Demirkap\u0131 Kalesi Kurtarma Kaz\u0131lar\u0131nda Bulunan Ok U\u00e7lar\u0131<\/b>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tArrowheads Found at the Demirkap\u0131 Castle Excavations in Tekirda\u011f\n<\/i><\/em>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\u00d6mer Faruk G\u00d6KER<\/strong>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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Septem Artes 4 (2026) 75-100 | DOI: 10.5281\/zenodo.20401750<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

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Demirkap\u0131 Castle is located within the boundaries of the Saray district of Tekirda\u011f province, approximately 2.4 km east of K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fckyoncal\u0131 Village, situated on a strategic hill at an elevation of about 200 meters above sea level. Positioned in the eastern part of Thrace, at the intersection of\nthe Istranca Mountains and the Ergene Plain, the castle commands a dominant view over the northern plains. Its proximity to the northern route connecting the capital, Constantinople, to Thrace,\nas well as to the Anastasian Walls, suggests that the castle functioned as an advanced outpost\nwithin the regional defence system. Excavations conducted since 2022 have revealed that the\ncastle, dating to the Early Byzantine period, has a rectangular plan measuring approximately\n100×75 meters. In the northern sector, a second defensive wall in a reversed crescent form is\npresent, independent of the main curtain wall. Excavations have uncovered substantial sections of\nthe curtain walls, the northeastern and northwestern corner towers, and seventeen rooms built\nadjacent to the fortification walls. These rooms appear to have been used to meet the daily needs\nof the garrison. The archaeological evidence dates from the 4 th century CE to the early 7 th century\nCE and indicates that the castle underwent a phase of repair in the 6 th century CE. From the early\n7 th century CE onward, the sudden absence of finds, together with stratigraphic traces of fire and\n\ndestruction, suggests that the castle was abandoned after being devastated during Slav and Avar\nincursions. This study focuses on a total of 29 iron arrowheads recovered during excavations\nconducted between 2022 and 2025. The finds have been evaluated typologically based on their\nforms, dimensions, and functional characteristics, supported by photographic documentation,\ntechnical drawings, and metric data. All arrowheads were produced using forging techniques and\nfeature tangs. Typologically, they have been classified into two principal groups: trilobate and\nsquare-sectioned forms. These main groups are further subdivided into nine distinct types, with four\ntypes represented among trilobate arrowheads and five among square-sectioned examples. First, it\nshould be noted that trilobate arrowheads are distinguished by their aerodynamic properties and\ntheir resistance to deformation on impact. Their particular effectiveness against armoured targets\nincreased their importance among military equipment. These arrowheads have been classified into\ndifferent types based on features such as wing width, shaft length, wing geometry and the presence\nof a stop flange. Type 1a is characterised by broader and more prominent wings, whereas Type 1b\nexhibits narrower and more linear wings. While Type 1c presents a lozenge-shaped design without\na stop flange, Type 1d also lacks a stop flange and features wings with softer contours reminiscent\nof a willow leaf. Square-section arrowheads, by contrast, display a pyramidal body with high\npenetrative capacity. It is suggested that especially the larger specimens may have been employed\nin mechanical projectile systems, such as ballistae. Within this group, Types 2a and 2b are larger\nand heavier examples likely associated with mechanical systems, whereas Type 2c, being smaller\nand lighter, appears compatible with the conventional bow-and-arrow system. This evidence\nindicates the possible coexistence of multiple forms of military technology within the castle. The\nspatial distribution of the finds indicates a clear concentration of arrowheads in the northern sector\nof the site, specifically in the area between the main fortification wall and the secondary defensive\nline. This pattern corresponds closely with the defensive organisation of the fortress and\nstrengthens the interpretation that military activity was primarily focused on countering threats\napproaching from the north and west. Finally, chronological assessment of the arrowheads is\nprimarily based on archaeological context rather than typological comparison alone. Coins and\nassociated finds recovered from the same stratigraphic layers exhibit that the majority of the\narrowheads date between the 5 th and 7 th centuries AD, although some specimens may extend back\nto the 3 rd century. This chronological range demonstrates continuous occupation and military use of\nthe site from the Late Roman into the Early Byzantine period. In conclusion, the arrowheads\nrecovered from Demirkap\u0131 Castle constitute not only a typologically diverse assemblage but also a\nsignificant body of evidence for understanding the military organisation, defensive strategies, and\nregional security dynamics of the site. By expanding the limited dataset on Early Byzantine military\nequipment in Thrace, this study aims to contribute to the broader archaeological and historical\nscholarship of the region.<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
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\u0130ndirmek i\u00e7in t\u0131klay\u0131n\u0131z<\/a>.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

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Issue 4 <\/strong><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

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\r\n \r\n Click here to download. <\/a>\r\n <\/div>\r\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Contents Kral Tepesi (K\u0131br\u0131s) Miken ve Yerel \u00c7anak \u00c7\u00f6mle\u011fin Yeniden \u00dcretim Denemeleri Reproduction Experiments of Mycenaean and Local Pottery from Kral Tepesi (Cyprus)Ye\u015fim BATMAZ \u2013 Atilla BATMAZ Septem Artes 4 (2026) 1-14 | DOI: 10.5281\/zenodo.20393821 Summary The island of Cyprus functioned as a pivotal maritime hub during the Late Bronze Age (LBA), facilitating intensive commercial […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"template-fullwidth.php","meta":{"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-7137","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/septemartes.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/7137","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/septemartes.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/septemartes.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/septemartes.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/septemartes.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=7137"}],"version-history":[{"count":29,"href":"https:\/\/septemartes.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/7137\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7211,"href":"https:\/\/septemartes.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/7137\/revisions\/7211"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/septemartes.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=7137"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}