Kral Tepesi (Kıbrıs) Miken ve Yerel Çanak Çömleğin Yeniden Üretim Denemeleri
Septem Artes 4 (2026) 1-14 | DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.20393821
The island of Cyprus functioned as a pivotal maritime hub during the Late Bronze Age (LBA), facilitating intensive commercial and cultural exchanges between the Aegean, Anatolia, the Levant, and Egypt. Central to this period was the strategic role of the Mycenaeans, who utilised the island as both a copper source and a trade base. In this context, the settlement of Kral Tepesi (Vasili), located on a strategic plateau in the Karpaz Peninsula, serves as a keystone for understanding the regional LBA ceramic traditions and the extent of Mycenaean influence in Northern Cyprus. The ceramic production of the Mycenaean period represents a zenith of pyrotechnological sophistication and standardisation. The manufacturing process involved meticulous material selection, primarily utilising calcium-rich clays characterised by favourable thermal expansion coefficients and porosity. By the LBA, the use of the fast potter’s wheel had become standardised, enabling high levels of morphological symmetry and facilitating mass production. Firing typically occurred in circular or oval updraft kilns designed for high thermal efficiency and atmospheric control, traditionally reaching temperatures between 800°C and 1050°C. Archaeological investigations at Kral Tepesi have identified a dichotomy in the ceramic repertoire: high-quality imported Mycenaean wares and locally manufactured imitations. Imported vessels are characterised by highly refined, inclusion-free pastes, burnished surfaces, and decoration applied over cream or buff slips. In contrast, local imitations utilise coarser pastes with significant grit inclusions and exhibit matte decoration without surface burnishing. While local potters emulated Mycenaean forms and thin-walled structures, they lacked the technological capacity to replicate the vibrant finishes of the Aegean imports, resulting in vessels with moderate firing and less durable surfaces. To analyse the chaîne opératoire (production chain) of these assemblages, reproduction experiments were conducted on ten specific forms from Kral Tepesi, including stirrup jars, alabastrons, flasks, and various jugs. The methodology employed three types of industrial clay—white, red (Menemen), and grey—to simulate different paste compositions. While the original LBA vessels were fired in oak-fueled updraft kilns, these experiments utilised electric kilns, which introduced certain visual deviations in the final products due to different atmospheric conditions. One of the most technically demanding forms reproduced was the stirrup jar. This vessel was wheelthrown in a single stage with a closed mouth, necessitating the later addition of a false neck and double handles. The reproduction involved a bisque firing at 1000°C followed by a final firing at 1045°C after the application of reddish-brown decoration. Similarly, the alabastron and flask forms were shaped to test functional elements such as horizontal handles, which were likely designed for suspension via cords. Other forms, such as the filtered jug with base perforations and the button-based bottle (White Shaved Ware), highlighted specialised shaping techniques like “shaving” or base manipulation during the leather-hard stage. The experimental study confirms that the production of Mycenaean ceramics was a “functional revolution” that enhanced the mechanical durability and impermeability of vessels through advanced material chemistry and thermal management. The reproduction process demonstrated that complex forms, particularly the stirrup jar, required a high degree of specialised craftsmanship and an empirical understanding of thermal dynamics. Ultimately, these experiments provide critical insights into the technological gaps between imported and local production sectors at Kral Tepesi.
Septem Artes 4 (2026) 15-30 | DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.20401537
Septem Artes 4 (2026) 31-58 | DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.20401688
Terracotta figurines represent one of the most widespread and visually expressive categories of small-scale material culture in the ancient Mediterranean world. Produced in large numbers and distributed across a variety of contexts—including sanctuaries, domestic spaces, and funerary environments—these objects have traditionally been studied for their stylistic features, typological development, and religious significance. However, beyond their aesthetic qualities and cultic functions, terracotta figurines also provide valuable insight into the ways ancient societies conceptualised the human body and constructed gendered identities. Among the most frequently represented subjects within coroplastic production is the female body. This study investigates how the female body is represented in terracotta figurines of Antiquity and explores how these representations contributed to the formation, reproduction, and regulation of gender roles. Rather than approaching figurines solely as ritual offerings or decorative artefacts, the present research considers them as material reflections of social attitudes toward femininity and the female body. Figurines can be interpreted as visual media through which cultural norms, expectations, and values were communicated. In this sense, they function not only as representations but also as instruments through which particular ideas about womanhood were constructed and circulated. The study, therefore, aims to analyse how these small-scale representations reflect broader social discourses surrounding fertility, motherhood, morality, modesty, and bodily control. The methodological framework of the study combines iconographic analysis with the evaluation of archaeological find contexts and theoretical perspectives derived from gender studies and feminist archaeology. By integrating these approaches, the research examines how different forms of bodily representation operate both visually and socially. Figurines are analysed according to their posture, gestures, clothing, and degree of bodily exposure, while their archaeological contexts such as sanctuaries, graves, and domestic environments are also taken into consideration. Within this framework, several recurring modes of representing the female body can be identified. One of the central analytical perspectives concerns the distinction between open and closed bodies. Certain figurines depict exposed or partially nude female bodies, often emphasising breasts, hips, and other features associated with fertility and sexuality. These representations highlight the reproductive capacity of the female body and its connection with themes of fertility and vitality. In contrast, other figurines portray fully clothed or veiled women whose bodies are concealed beneath garments such as the chiton and himation. These representations may reflect ideals of modesty, restraint, and moral propriety that were culturally associated with female virtue. Another important category includes seated female figures characterised by inward-looking or passive postures. These figures often convey a sense of composure, self-control, and social discipline. Their bodily stillness and controlled gestures may symbolise socially prescribed forms of feminine behaviour and reflect expectations placed upon women within domestic and ritual settings. In contrast, figurines representing dancing or moving female bodies present a more dynamic mode of representation. Through rhythmic gestures and bodily movement, these figures emphasise the performative dimension of the body, often associated with ritual celebration, cultic performance, or festive environments. The analysis of these different body types demonstrates that terracotta figurines encode complex symbolic meanings related to fertility, motherhood, morality, and social regulation. Particularly significant is the interpretive framework based on the axis of bodily openness and concealment. Reading the figurines along this axis allows us to understand how the female body was simultaneously celebrated as a source of life and reproduction while also being subjected to mechanisms of visual and symbolic control. In this respect, figurines participate in what may be described as the body politics of the ancient world. The archaeological contexts in which these figurines were discovered further illuminate their social significance. Figurines deposited in sanctuaries are often associated with fertility cults, rites of passage, and protective rituals. Those found in funerary contexts may reflect ideas about identity, memory, and the social roles attributed to women both in life and in death. In domestic contexts, figurines may have functioned as symbolic objects embedded within everyday practices and belief systems. By combining iconographic analysis, contextual evaluation, and gender-based theoretical approaches, this study demonstrates that terracotta figurines offer important insights into how the female body was conceptualised, represented, and regulated in Antiquity. These small-scale objects reveal how visual representations participated in shaping gender norms and social expectations. Ultimately, the study highlights the potential of coroplastic material to contribute to discussions within feminist archaeology and to deepen our understanding of the relationship between material culture, gender ideology, and the politics of the body in the ancient world.
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Septem Artes 4 (2026) 59-74 | DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.20401710
This study aims to reassess prevailing assumptions regarding the geographical distribution of Ephesos-type unguentaria, a ceramic group widely attested across the Mediterranean during Late Antiquity. Although these vessels have traditionally been considered largely confined to the Mediterranean basin, the limited yet significant evidence from the Euphrates Basin necessitates a reconsideration of this perspective. The study focuses on material recovered from three key sites: Halabiyye in Syria, Zeugma, Dülük Baba Tepesi and Lidar Höyük in southeastern Türkiye. One of the most striking characteristics of the unguentaria from the Euphrates Basin is their extremely limited number and their occurrence primarily as isolated finds. Despite this scarcity, these examples display strong morphological and technological similarities to Ephesos-type unguentaria known from Eastern Mediterranean coastal settlements. They are generally characterised by a long, cylindrical neck, a slightly swollen body, and a pointed base, along with red to reddish-brown fabrics and a fine slip. However, unlike many Mediterranean examples, the Euphrates Basin specimens are notably simpler and lack decorative features such as relief rings, stamp impressions, or wash-slip treatments. A significant aspect of these finds is their association with LR3 amphorae. This relationship is particularly evident at Zeugma and Halabiyye, whereas at Dülük Baba Tepesi and Lidar Höyük it remains less clearly established. Nevertheless, similarities in fabric composition, including the frequent presence of mica, as well as parallels in production techniques, suggest that these vessels may have originated from the same production centre and circulated within the same distribution network. The strong presence of Phokaian Red Slip Ware (LRC) at all four sites further supports the interpretation that these settlements were integrated into a broader Eastern Mediterranean trade system. These observations challenge the prevailing view that Ephesos-type unguentaria reached inland regions such as the Euphrates Basin solely through pilgrimage or liturgical practices. While Ephesos was an important pilgrimage centre in Late Antiquity and is known for the production of ampullae, the archaeological evidence from the Euphrates Basin does not support a purely religious interpretation. Notably, the absence of monogrammed or iconographically decorated examples weakens the argument for an explicitly liturgical function. Instead, it is more plausible that these vessels were transported primarily through commercial exchange networks and may have acquired secondary religious meanings in specific contexts. From a terminological standpoint, classifying these vessels remains problematic. Due to their morphological similarities to LR3 amphorae, some scholars have preferred the term “amphoriskos”. However, when evaluated in terms of contents, function, and archaeological context, it becomes clear that the distinction between “unguentarium” and “amphoriskos” is not absolute. Rather than representing mutually exclusive categories, these vessels should be understood as a hybrid group capable of fulfilling multiple functions in different contexts. In terms of distribution, the available evidence indicates that Ephesos-type unguentaria did not reach the Euphrates Basin through a single route. Instead, a multidirectional distribution network can be reconstructed. One possible route extends from the port of Beirut through the Beqaa Valley to Apamea, which likely functioned as a key inland redistribution centre. Another route may have originated at the ports west of Antioch, extending northeastward toward Zeugma, which in turn served as a major hub connecting overland and riverine transport networks along the Euphrates. In conclusion, the Ephesos-type unguentaria recovered from the Euphrates Basin reflect a complex pattern of production, distribution, and use that cannot be explained solely within either a religious or a commercial framework. These vessels should instead be interpreted as versatile ceramic forms circulating within Eastern Mediterranean trade networks, with the potential to acquire different meanings and functions in specific contexts. Accordingly, a more flexible, context-based approach is required, both in terminology and in functional interpretation.
Septem Artes 4 (2026) 75-100 | DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.20401750
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