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Kral Tepesi (Kıbrıs) Miken ve Yerel Çanak Çömleğin Yeniden Üretim Denemeleri

Reproduction Experiments of Mycenaean and Local Pottery from Kral Tepesi (Cyprus)
Yeşim BATMAZ – Atilla BATMAZ

Septem Artes 4 (2026) 1-14 | DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.20393821

The island of Cyprus functioned as a pivotal maritime hub during the Late Bronze Age (LBA), facilitating intensive commercial and cultural exchanges between the Aegean, Anatolia, the Levant,and Egypt. Central to this period was the strategic role of the Mycenaeans, who utilised the island as both a copper source and a trade base. In this context, the settlement of Kral Tepesi (Vasili),located on a strategic plateau in the Karpaz Peninsula, serves as a keystone for understanding the regional LBA ceramic traditions and the extent of Mycenaean influence in Northern Cyprus.The ceramic production of the Mycenaean period represents a zenith of pyrotechnological sophistication and standardisation. The manufacturing process involved meticulous material selection, primarily utilising calcium-rich clays characterised by favourable thermal expansion coefficients and porosity. By the LBA, the use of the fast potter’s wheel had become standardised, enabling high levels of morphological symmetry and facilitating mass production. Firing typically occurred in circular or oval updraft kilns designed for high thermal efficiency and atmospheric control, traditionally reaching temperatures between 800°C and 1050°C.Archaeological investigations at Kral Tepesi have identified a dichotomy in the ceramic repertoire: high-quality imported Mycenaean wares and locally manufactured imitations. Imported vessels are characterised by highly refined, inclusion-free pastes, burnished surfaces, and decoration applied over cream or buff slips. In contrast, local imitations utilise coarser pastes with significant grit inclusions and exhibit matte decoration without surface burnishing. While local potters emulated Mycenaean forms and thin-walled structures, they lacked the technological capacity to replicate the vibrant finishes of the Aegean imports, resulting in vessels with moderate firing and less durable surfaces. To analyse the chaîne opératoire (production chain) of these assemblages, reproduction experiments were conducted on ten specific forms from Kral Tepesi, including stirrup jars, alabastrons, flasks, and various jugs. The methodology employed three types of industrial clay—white, red (Menemen), and grey—to simulate different paste compositions. While the original LBA vessels were fired in oak-fueled updraft kilns, these experiments utilised electric kilns, which introduced certain visual deviations in the final products due to different atmospheric conditions. One of the most technically demanding forms reproduced was the stirrup jar. This vessel was wheel-thrown in a single stage with a closed mouth, necessitating the later addition of a false neck and double handles. The reproduction involved a bisque firing at 1000°C followed by a final firing at 1045°C after the application of reddish-brown decoration. Similarly, the alabastron and flask forms were shaped to test functional elements such as horizontal handles, which were likely designed for suspension via cords. Other forms, such as the filtered jug with base perforations and the button-based bottle (White Shaved Ware), highlighted specialised shaping techniques like “shaving” or base manipulation during the leather-hard stage. The experimental study confirms that the production of Mycenaean ceramics was a “functional revolution” that enhanced the mechanical durability and impermeability of vessels through advanced material chemistry and thermal management. The reproduction process demonstrated that complex forms, particularly the stirrup jar, required a high degree of specialised craftsmanship and an empirical understanding of thermal dynamics. Ultimately, these experiments provide critical insights into the technological gaps between imported and local production sectors at Kral Tepesi.

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Hellenistik Dönemde Bireysel Boşluk ve Bedensel Çöküş: Barberini Faun Örneği
Individual Emptiness and Bodily Collapse in the Hellenistic Period: The Case of the Barberini Faun
Meral ÇELİK

Septem Artes 4 (2026) 15-30 | DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.20401537

Hellenistic sculpture marks a decisive shift in the visual articulation of the human body, expanding its representational scope beyond idealized form and moral exemplarity toward emotional intensity, psychological complexity, and corporeal vulnerability. Unlike the Classical canon, which privileged balance, restraint, and ethical clarity, Hellenistic sculptors increasingly engaged with states of excess, fatigue, instability, and inner conflict. Within this broader artistic transformation, the Barberini Faun occupies a distinctive position, offering a striking visualization of bodily exhaustion and psychological withdrawal rather than heroic action or triumphant resolution. This article examines the Barberini Faun as a key example of how Hellenistic sculpture articulates individual experience through the language of bodily collapse and emotional ambiguity. Although the Barberini Faun is among the most recognizable sculptures in modern museum collections, scholarly discussion has largely framed the work within limited interpretative categories, most notably eroticism, Dionysian cult practice, or the iconography of sleep. While these approaches are not without merit, they tend to overlook the sculpture’s psychological depth and its capacity to express a broader condition of existential fatigue. This study proposes a reading that situates the sculpture within the cultural and emotional landscape of the Hellenistic world, emphasizing the relationship between bodily representation and individual subjectivity. The analysis begins with a detailed formal examination of the sculpture. The figure’s reclined posture, open and exposed body, and pronounced muscular definition convey a tension between strength and surrender. The limbs are relaxed, yet the body remains alert in its vulnerability; the head tilts backward, the mouth slightly open, and the facial expression resists clear emotional classification. Rather than suggesting peaceful rest, these features evoke a state of physical depletion and psychological disengagement. The body appears not simply asleep but withdrawn—temporarily absent from conscious interaction with the surrounding world. In this context, sleep functions as a critical conceptual category. Contrary to traditional representations of sleep as a state of restoration or divine protection, the Barberini Faun presents sleep as an act of escape and a symptom of exhaustion. The sculpture does not depict a transitional moment leading toward awakening or transformation; instead, it suspends the figure in an indeterminate state, devoid of narrative resolution. This reading challenges conventional mythological interpretations and invites a psychological understanding of the work, in which bodily passivity becomes a visual metaphor for emotional depletion. Dionysian imagery remains central to the interpretation, yet it is approached here not primarily as a cultic reference but as a psychological framework. Dionysian intoxication, loss of self-control, and dissolution of boundaries between body and mind are materialized through the faun’s physical condition. The satyr figure, traditionally associated with vitality, desire, and excess, is reimagined as a body drained by its own intensity. This inversion underscores a key tension within Hellenistic art: the exploration of excess not as liberation alone, but as a potential source of collapse and vulnerability. To further contextualize the Barberini Faun, the article situates it within a comparative framework that includes other Hellenistic sculptural types. The pathos-laden figures of the Pergamene School, such as the Dying Gaul, articulate bodily suffering within a narrative of heroism and moral elevation. Although these figures display pain and defeat, their suffering retains a sense of dignity and purpose. By contrast, the Barberini Faun lacks any narrative justification for its condition. Its exhaustion is not the result of battle or sacrifice, but appears internal and unresolved, marking a significant departure from heroic paradigms. Similarly, comparisons with reclining or sleeping figures such as the Sleeping Ariadne reveal important distinctions. Ariadne’s sleep, despite its vulnerability, is embedded within a mythological trajectory that promises transformation and renewal. The Barberini Faun, however, offers no such promise. The absence of narrative progression reinforces the sculpture’s inward focus and contributes to its pessimistic tone. In this sense, the work aligns more closely with representations of marginal or non-ideal bodies in Hellenistic sculpture, such as figures depicting old age, poverty, or social exclusion. Yet even within this group, the Barberini Faun remains exceptional, as it presents a youthful and physically powerful body subjected to exhaustion rather than decline through age or deprivation. From a socio-cultural perspective, the sculpture reflects broader shifts within the Hellenistic world. The expansion of political boundaries, the fragmentation of traditional civic identities, and the increasing visibility of individual experience contributed to new forms of artistic expression. In this environment, the body became a site for negotiating uncertainty, instability, and emotional strain. The exposed and defenseless posture of the Barberini Faun resonates with these conditions, suggesting a loss of protective frameworks that once structured individual identity. The sculpture thus functions not only as an aesthetic object but also as a visual document of Hellenistic subjectivity. Ultimately, this study argues that the Barberini Faun exemplifies a mode of representation in which bodily exhaustion and psychological vulnerability serve as central expressive tools. By rejecting heroic ideals and narrative closure, the sculpture articulates a deeply human condition marked by fatigue, withdrawal, and emotional ambiguity. In doing so, it expands our understanding of Hellenistic sculpture as a medium capable of engaging with complex inner states and existential concerns. The Barberini Faun should therefore be recognized not merely as an erotic or Dionysian image, but as a profound exploration of the limits of the body and the fragility of the individual within the Hellenistic world.

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Antikçağda Kadın Bedeninin Denetimi: Pişmiş Toprak Figürinler Üzerinden Bir Toplumsal Okuma
Regulation of the Female Body in Antiquity: A Social Interpretation through Terracotta Figurines
Elçin DOĞAN-GÜRBÜZER

Septem Artes 4 (2026) 31-58 | DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.20401688

Terracotta figurines represent one of the most widespread and visually expressive categories of small-scale material culture in the ancient Mediterranean world. Produced in large numbers and distributed across a variety of contexts—including sanctuaries, domestic spaces, and funerary environments—these objects have traditionally been studied for their stylistic features, typological development, and religious significance. However, beyond their aesthetic qualities and cultic functions, terracotta figurines also provide valuable insight into the ways ancient societies conceptualised the human body and constructed gendered identities. Among the most frequently represented subjects within coroplastic production is the female body. This study investigates how the female body is represented in terracotta figurines of Antiquity and explores how these representations contributed to the formation, reproduction, and regulation of gender roles. Rather than approaching figurines solely as ritual offerings or decorative artefacts, the present research considers them as material reflections of social attitudes toward femininity and the female body. Figurines can be interpreted as visual media through which cultural norms, expectations, and values were communicated. In this sense, they function not only as representations but also as instruments through which particular ideas about womanhood were constructed and circulated. The study, therefore, aims to analyse how these small-scale representations reflect broader social discourses surrounding fertility, motherhood, morality, modesty, and bodily control. The methodological framework of the study combines iconographic analysis with the evaluation of archaeological find contexts and theoretical perspectives derived from gender studies and feminist archaeology. By integrating these approaches, the research examines how different forms of bodily representation operate both visually and socially. Figurines are analysed according to their posture, gestures, clothing, and degree of bodily exposure, while their archaeological contexts—such as sanctuaries, graves, and domestic environments—are also taken into consideration. Within this framework, several recurring modes of representing the female body can be identified. One of the central analytical perspectives concerns the distinction between open and closed bodies. Certain figurines depict exposed or partially nude female bodies, often emphasising breasts, hips, and other features associated with fertility and sexuality. These representations highlight the reproductive capacity of the female body and its connection with themes of fertility and vitality. In contrast, other figurines portray fully clothed or veiled women whose bodies are concealed beneath garments such as the chiton and himation. These representations may reflect ideals of modesty, restraint, and moral propriety that were culturally associated with female virtue. Another important category includes seated female figures characterised by inward-looking or passive postures. These figures often convey a sense of composure, self-control, and social discipline. Their bodily stillness and controlled gestures may symbolise socially prescribed forms of feminine behaviour and reflect expectations placed upon women within domestic and ritual settings. In contrast, figurines representing dancing or moving female bodies present a more dynamic mode of representation. Through rhythmic gestures and bodily movement, these figures emphasise the performative dimension of the body, often associated with ritual celebration, cultic performance, or festive environments. The analysis of these different body types demonstrates that terracotta figurines encode complex symbolic meanings related to fertility, motherhood, morality, and social regulation. Particularly significant is the interpretive framework based on the axis of bodily openness and concealment. Reading the figurines along this axis allows us to understand how the female body was simultaneously celebrated as a source of life and reproduction while also being subjected to mechanisms of visual and symbolic control. In this respect, figurines participate in what may be described as the body politics of the ancient world. The archaeological contexts in which these figurines were discovered further illuminate their social significance. Figurines deposited in sanctuaries are often associated with fertility cults, rites of passage, and protective rituals. Those found in funerary contexts may reflect ideas about identity, memory, and the social roles attributed to women both in life and in death. In domestic contexts, figurines may have functioned as symbolic objects embedded within everyday practices and belief systems. By combining iconographic analysis, contextual evaluation, and gender-based theoretical approaches, this study demonstrates that terracotta figurines offer important insights into how the female body was conceptualised, represented, and regulated in Antiquity. These small-scale objects reveal how visual representations participated in shaping gender norms and social expectations. Ultimately, the study highlights the potential of coroplastic material to contribute to discussions within feminist archaeology and to deepen our understanding of the relationship between material culture, gender ideology, and the politics of the body in the ancient world.

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Fırat Havzası’nda (Suriye-Türkiye) Ephesos Tipi Geç Antikçağ Unguentariumlarının Varlığı: Diğer Bulgular ile İlişkisi ve Yeniden Yorumlanması
Ephesos-Type Late Antique Unguentaria in the Euphrates Basin (Syria–Türkiye): Contextual Relationships and Reinterpretation
Murat TOSUN

Septem Artes 4 (2026) 59-74 | DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.20401710

This study aims to reassess prevailing assumptions regarding the geographical distribution of Ephesos-type unguentaria, a ceramic group widely attested across the Mediterranean during Late Antiquity. Although these vessels have traditionally been considered largely confined to the Mediterranean basin, the limited yet significant evidence from the Euphrates Basin necessitates a reconsideration of this perspective. The study focuses on material recovered from three key sites: Halabiyye in Syria, Zeugma, Dülük Baba Tepesi and Lidar Höyük in southeastern Türkiye. One of the most striking characteristics of the unguentaria from the Euphrates Basin is their extremely limited number and their occurrence primarily as isolated finds. Despite this scarcity, these examples display strong morphological and technological similarities to Ephesos-type unguentaria known from Eastern Mediterranean coastal settlements. They are generally characterised by a long, cylindrical neck, a slightly swollen body, and a pointed base, along with red to reddish-brown fabrics and a fine slip. However, unlike many Mediterranean examples, the Euphrates Basin specimens are notably simpler and lack decorative features such as relief rings, stamp impressions, or wash-slip treatments. A significant aspect of these finds is their association with LR3 amphorae. This relationship is particularly evident at Zeugma and Halabiyye, whereas at Dülük Baba Tepesi and Lidar Höyük it remains less clearly established. Nevertheless, similarities in fabric composition, including the frequent presence of mica, as well as parallels in production techniques, suggest that these vessels may have originated from the same production centre and circulated within the same distribution network. The strong presence of Phokaian Red Slip Ware (LRC) at all four sites further supports the interpretation that these settlements were integrated into a broader Eastern Mediterranean trade system. These observations challenge the prevailing view that Ephesos-type unguentaria reached inland regions such as the Euphrates Basin solely through pilgrimage or liturgical practices. While Ephesos was an important pilgrimage centre in Late Antiquity and is known for the production of ampullae, the archaeological evidence from the Euphrates Basin does not support a purely religious interpretation. Notably, the absence of monogrammed or iconographically decorated examples weakens the argument for an explicitly liturgical function. Instead, it is more plausible that these vessels were transported primarily through commercial exchange networks and may have acquired secondary religious meanings in specific contexts. From a terminological standpoint, classifying these vessels remains problematic. Due to their morphological similarities to LR3 amphorae, some scholars have preferred the term “amphoriskos”. However, when evaluated in terms of contents, function, and archaeological context, it becomes clear that the distinction between “unguentarium” and “amphoriskos” is not absolute. Rather than representing mutually exclusive categories, these vessels should be understood as a hybrid group capable of fulfilling multiple functions in different contexts. In terms of distribution, the available evidence indicates that Ephesos-type unguentaria did not reach the Euphrates Basin through a single route. Instead, a multidirectional distribution network can be reconstructed. One possible route extends from the port of Beirut through the Beqaa Valley to Apamea, which likely functioned as a key inland redistribution centre. Another route may have originated at the ports west of Antioch, extending northeastward toward Zeugma, which in turn served as a major hub connecting overland and riverine transport networks along the Euphrates. In conclusion, the Ephesos-type unguentaria recovered from the Euphrates Basin reflect a complex pattern of production, distribution, and use that cannot be explained solely within either a religious or a commercial framework. These vessels should instead be interpreted as versatile ceramic forms circulating within Eastern Mediterranean trade networks, with the potential to acquire different meanings and functions in specific contexts. Accordingly, a more flexible, context-based approach is required, both in terminology and in functional interpretation.
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Tekirdağ, Demirkapı Kalesi Kurtarma Kazılarında Bulunan Ok Uçları
Arrowheads Found at the Demirkapı Castle Excavations in Tekirdağ
Ömer Faruk GÖKER

Septem Artes 4 (2026) 75-100 | DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.20401750

Demirkapı Castle is located within the boundaries of the Saray district of Tekirdağ province, approximately 2.4 km east of Küçükyoncalı Village, situated on a strategic hill at an elevation of about 200 meters above sea level. Positioned in the eastern part of Thrace, at the intersection of the Istranca Mountains and the Ergene Plain, the castle commands a dominant view over the northern plains. Its proximity to the northern route connecting the capital, Constantinople, to Thrace, as well as to the Anastasian Walls, suggests that the castle functioned as an advanced outpost within the regional defence system. Excavations conducted since 2022 have revealed that the castle, dating to the Early Byzantine period, has a rectangular plan measuring approximately 100×75 meters. In the northern sector, a second defensive wall in a reversed crescent form is present, independent of the main curtain wall. Excavations have uncovered substantial sections of the curtain walls, the northeastern and northwestern corner towers, and seventeen rooms built adjacent to the fortification walls. These rooms appear to have been used to meet the daily needs of the garrison. The archaeological evidence dates from the 4 th century CE to the early 7 th century CE and indicates that the castle underwent a phase of repair in the 6 th century CE. From the early 7 th century CE onward, the sudden absence of finds, together with stratigraphic traces of fire and destruction, suggests that the castle was abandoned after being devastated during Slav and Avar incursions. This study focuses on a total of 29 iron arrowheads recovered during excavations conducted between 2022 and 2025. The finds have been evaluated typologically based on their forms, dimensions, and functional characteristics, supported by photographic documentation, technical drawings, and metric data. All arrowheads were produced using forging techniques and feature tangs. Typologically, they have been classified into two principal groups: trilobate and square-sectioned forms. These main groups are further subdivided into nine distinct types, with four types represented among trilobate arrowheads and five among square-sectioned examples. First, it should be noted that trilobate arrowheads are distinguished by their aerodynamic properties and their resistance to deformation on impact. Their particular effectiveness against armoured targets increased their importance among military equipment. These arrowheads have been classified into different types based on features such as wing width, shaft length, wing geometry and the presence of a stop flange. Type 1a is characterised by broader and more prominent wings, whereas Type 1b exhibits narrower and more linear wings. While Type 1c presents a lozenge-shaped design without a stop flange, Type 1d also lacks a stop flange and features wings with softer contours reminiscent of a willow leaf. Square-section arrowheads, by contrast, display a pyramidal body with high penetrative capacity. It is suggested that especially the larger specimens may have been employed in mechanical projectile systems, such as ballistae. Within this group, Types 2a and 2b are larger and heavier examples likely associated with mechanical systems, whereas Type 2c, being smaller and lighter, appears compatible with the conventional bow-and-arrow system. This evidence indicates the possible coexistence of multiple forms of military technology within the castle. The spatial distribution of the finds indicates a clear concentration of arrowheads in the northern sector of the site, specifically in the area between the main fortification wall and the secondary defensive line. This pattern corresponds closely with the defensive organisation of the fortress and strengthens the interpretation that military activity was primarily focused on countering threats approaching from the north and west. Finally, chronological assessment of the arrowheads is primarily based on archaeological context rather than typological comparison alone. Coins and associated finds recovered from the same stratigraphic layers exhibit that the majority of the arrowheads date between the 5 th and 7 th centuries AD, although some specimens may extend back to the 3 rd century. This chronological range demonstrates continuous occupation and military use of the site from the Late Roman into the Early Byzantine period. In conclusion, the arrowheads recovered from Demirkapı Castle constitute not only a typologically diverse assemblage but also a significant body of evidence for understanding the military organisation, defensive strategies, and regional security dynamics of the site. By expanding the limited dataset on Early Byzantine military equipment in Thrace, this study aims to contribute to the broader archaeological and historical scholarship of the region.

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